조희팔의 모든 것
1. Overview
This huipal ~~ !!
It is the biggest "medical equipment station rental contract fraud case" in Korea and the scammer of the scum . He is from Yeongcheon City, Gyeongbuk Province . I hit the largest number of fraud by tapping the JU Group's waterworks .
2. Childhood
In 1957, Ogye-dong, Kumho- myeon, Yeongcheon-gun , Gyeongsangbuk -do, In [5] , he was born the seventh of four male and four female . He was poor and he graduated from Changshan Elementary School and went to Daegu Metropolitan City . The teenager, who came to Daegu, said that Joe Hyeopal went on living with his friends. Subsequently, I got a job at a frozen food wholesale business. While working in the twenties as a gambling chief, I also became a member of 'Dongseongropa', the biggest violence organization in Yeongnam region (!!)[6] Because of this, I know the multilevel that changed my life .A turning point in life I got into SMK (South Korea), a multifarious business where my brother-in-law worked.
3. Criminal Procedure
Of course, Ponzi is supposed to be a financially unsuccessful human being, and Joe Hee-pal and his wife have thought that the lies have reached their limits. From the point of stopping the payment of the proceeds, Computer simulation, and so on. Eventually, in October 2008, after destroying the company's computer network, it escaped with personal assets that had been liquidated and it was wanted in November. However, on December 9 Taean gone to China to stow away in mageom Pohang.
The damage has been found only in Daegu and Busan for 1 trillion won, and in Incheon and other areas in Chungcheong province for 1.2 trillion won for a total of 30,000 victims and victims totaling about 4 to 5 trillion won. In the "Citizens' Solidarity for the Right Family Economy" gathering of the victims, the damage level is more than double. Most of the victims were ordinary people, and all their wealth, as well as family, relatives and acquaintances,[7] Personal bankruptcy and social disunity have spread, and the social wave has been so great that 10 investors have committed suicide in despair[8] .
Among these victims were the Daegu subway tragedy families. It is a grandmother who lost her daughter in this accident. The 240 million won that she received as compensation for her accident would be invested in a rental equipment company of Cho, Hee - phal 's medical equipment company according to the recommendation of a friend. The shock of this incident also said that her husband also died four years later. In 2015, this grandmother's story also came out from that I want to know .
4. Suspicion of Death
일단 유족의 주장은 반박되고 있다. 2011년 12월 19일에 사망한 것으로 되어 사망감증서에 중국 공안의 인증 도장이 찍혀 있어야 하는데, 찍혀 있지 않았던 것. 또한, 2011년 12월 19일에 사망한 조희팔의 화장 인증서에 2011년 12월 21일에 화장 한 것으로 되어 싸인 되어 있는데, 밑에 인증서의 날짜는 2011년 12월 11일인 것. 이로 인해 검찰은 사망하지 않은 것으로 추정한 상태로 백지 상태로 수사하겠다고 밝혔다.
이런 대규모 피라미드 조직의 형성과 유지, 조희팔의 도주 및 자금 유출과 관련하여 조희팔과 행정, 경찰, 검찰 공직자들의 유착이 있다는 의혹이 있다. 만약 조희팔이 검거될 경우 한보그룹 사태때 정태수 And the public officials involved in JoHuiPal are actively and positively collaborating on the escape and hiding of Joe Healpal. But investigations of public officials who are suspected of coalescing are sluggish. Police in the Daegu Police Agency and Seoul Higher Public Prosecutor's Office were arrested, but the victims claimed it was the tip of the iceberg.
Joe Hee-pal was originally wanted by Interpol , but now his death report has been canceled. It is a perfectly successful crime, assuming it is alive.
Credit https://namu.wiki
죽어야 사는 남자 조희팔 / 이규현의 스포트라이트
죽어야 사는 남자 조희팔
조희팔(曺喜八) / 1957년 3월 15일 ~ 2011년 12월 19일 (추정)
대한민국 최대의 "의료기 역렌탈 계약 사기 사건" 범인이자, 희대의 사기꾼이다. 경상북도 영천시 출신. JU그룹의 주수도를 누르고 최대규모 사기를 저질렀다.
- 다단계 사업체인 ‘SMK(숭민코리아)'와의 만남
1957년, 경상북도 영천군 금호면 오계동(현 영천시 금호읍 오계리)에서 4남 4녀 중 일곱째로 태어났다. 가난했던 그는 창산국민학교를 졸업하고 홀몸으로 대구광역시로 갔다. 대구에 온 10대 조희팔은 여기저기서 막노동을 하며 생계를 이어갔다고 한다. 뒤이어 냉동식품 도매업소에 취직했다.
20대에 접어들면서 도박판 허드렛일을 하면서 영남권 최대 폭력조직인 ‘동성로파’ 행동대원들과 어울리기도 했다. 이 일로 인하여 본인의 인생을 바꾼 다단계를 알게 된다. 인생의 전환점 본인의 친형이 일하던 다단계 사업체인 ‘SMK(숭민코리아)’에 들어가 본격적으로 접하고 배웠다.
- 범행 수법 : 폰지사기
2004년부터 의료기기를 사면 빌려줘서 고수익을 낸다는 식의 수법으로 돈을 모았는데 지역별로 다른이름을 썼다. 대구광역시와 경상북도는 (주)첼린, 부울경권은 (주)씨엔, 서울특별시 수도권 및 충청남도에서는 (주)리브. 이후 지속적으로 수익금을 지급하면서 신뢰를 쌓고 회원을 늘려 전국에 걸쳐 수십개 법인과 49개소의 센터를 운영했다.
처음에는 돈이 모이니 이자를 주었지만 애시당초 이는 피라미드식 사기수법의 전형으로서 미끼일 뿐이었다.
사실 조희팔의 경우는 피라미드라고 하지만, 정확하게는 전형적인 폰지사기였다. 점차 사업구상을 과장해 전국의 모텔이나 찜질방 등에 설치해 임대수입을 올린다는 내용으로 사람들을 속였으나 이는 헛소리에 불과했고 수익은 거의 발생하지 않았다.
하지만 폰지사기의 수법대로, 뒷사람에게 받은 돈의 일부를 떼어서 앞 사람에게 수당으로 지급하는 형태였기 때문에 한동안은 투자한 사람들은 일정량의 수익을 얻을 수 있었다. 이 때문에 수익금 지급이 지체되었음에도 사람들은 기존에 지급되던 수익금에 대한 기대, 홍보에 협조하던 유명인사들에 대한 신뢰 등으로 신고를 미루었고 피해는 더 커지게 되었다.
물론 폰지사기는 인간이 유한한 이상 무조건 실패하게 되어 있었고, 조희팔과 그 일당은 거짓말이 한계에 이르렀다 여겼는지 수익금 지급이 중단되는 시점부터 피해자들이 의문을 품고 문제를 제기할 시점까지 소요기간을 예상하는 컴퓨터 시뮬레이션을 실시하는 등 치밀하게 도주를 계획했다.
결국 2008년 10월 회사 전산망을 파괴한 뒤 현금화해 둔 개인 자산을 가진 채 도주했고 11월에 수배가 됐다. 그러나 12월 9일 태안군 마검포항에서 중국으로 밀항해 사라졌다.
그 피해를 보면 일단 밝혀진 것만 대구, 부산에서만 1조원, 인천 등 수도권과 충청 지역에서 총 1조 2천억원 등, 5년 여에 걸쳐 피해자 총 3만여명, 피해액이 약 4조~5조에 달했다. 피해자들의 모임 "바른가정경제실천을 위한 시민연대" 에서는 피해 규모를 배 이상으로 잡고 있다. 피해자의 대부분은 서민이었고 전 재산은 물론 가족, 친척과 지인들의 돈까지 끌어다 쓴 바람에 개인 파산과 사회불화가 확산되었으며, 10여명의 투자자가 절망감에 자살하는 등 사회적인 파장이 매우 컸다.
또 이 피해자들 중에는 대구 지하철 참사 유가족도 있었다. 이 사고로 딸을 잃은 할머니였는데 사고 보상금으로 받은 2억 4,000만원을 친구의 권유에 따라 조희팔의 의료기 임대업체에 투자했다가 사기를 당하고 만 것이다. 이 사건의 충격으로 남편 또한 4년 뒤에 사망했다고 한다. 2015년 그것이 알고싶다에서 이 할머니 이야기도 나온 바 있었다.
- 죽었니? 살았니? 죽었다고 해라!
2012년 5월에 이르러 그가 2011년 12월에 이미 죽었다는 소식이 전해졌다.
조희팔의 유족은 조희팔이 원한 관계에 있던 세력에게 청부살인을 당해 죽은 것으로 보인다며 중국에서 찍어왔다는 장례식 영상을 공개했다. 그러나 인위적인 모습이 역력한 유족의 장례식 촬영은 혹시 조작된 게 아니냐는 의심을 사기 충분했다.
이에 유골의 DNA를 조사했으나 유골이 화장되어 손상된 탓에 DNA 감정에 실패한다. 당시 사건을 담당하고 사망을 발표했던 지능범죄수사대장이 대통령비서실에 파견되어 2014년까지 공직기강비서관실에서 행정관으로 근무했던 박관천이다.
일단 유족의 주장은 반박되고 있다.
2011년 12월 19일에 사망한 것으로 되어 사망감증서에 중국 공안의 인증 도장이 찍혀 있어야 하는데, 찍혀 있지 않았던 것. 또한, 2011년 12월 19일에 사망한 조희팔의 화장 인증서에 2011년 12월 21일에 화장 한 것으로 되어 싸인 되어 있는데, 밑에 인증서의 날짜는 2011년 12월 11일인 것. 이로 인해 검찰은 사망하지 않은 것으로 추정한 상태로 백지 상태로 수사하겠다고 밝혔다.
- 행정, 경찰, 검찰 공직자들과의 유착?
이런 대규모 피라미드 조직의 형성과 유지, 조희팔의 도주 및 자금 유출과 관련하여 조희팔과 행정, 경찰, 검찰 공직자들의 유착이 있다는 의혹이 있다.
만약 조희팔이 검거될 경우 한보그룹 사태때 정태수 이상의 파장을 몰고 올 수 있기에 사실 안 잡는다거나, 조희팔과 연루된 공직자들이 조희팔의 도주 및 은신을 적극적으로든 소극적으로든 협력하고 있지 않나 하는 의혹이 강하게 제기되고 있다. 하지만 유착 의혹을 받는 공직자들 수사는 지지부진한 상황이다.
대구경찰청의 경찰과 서울고등검찰청 부장검사가 구속되기는 했으나 빙산의 일각이라고 피해자들은 주장하고 있다. 조희팔은 원래 인터폴에 의해 수배중이었으나 현재는 사망신고가 되어 수배가 해제됐다. 살아있다고 가정했을시 사실상 성공한 완전 범죄다.
- 그것이 알고싶다의 취재와 경과
검찰이 "조희팔이 살아있는 것을 전제로 수사에 들어간다" 라고 발표하고 나서, 2015년 10월 그것이 알고싶다에서 조희팔을 추적했었다. 당시 방송에는 표창원 전 교수도 같이 참여했는데, 표 교수는 조희팔이 사망 영상을 언제든 조작할수 있다는 점을 자신이 직접 재연해 보는 등 상세한 부분을 하나하나 짚어가며 알려준다.
SBS 측에서는 (아마도 시나쪽) 웨이보에 확산희망 포스팅을 내건 결과 중국에서 꽤 많은 목격담이 있었다고. 게다가 조희팔이 단골로 다니던 골프장에서 사망 이후에도 이용한 기록이 있었다는 것, 사망진단서 등이 수상하다는 것 등등 여러가지를 상세히 취재했다.
그것이 알고싶다의 대활약으로 방송 하루만에 2015년 10월 11일 조희팔의 최측근인 강태용이 중국 공안에 체포되었다고 중국 관영통신이 전했다. 조사가 마무리되는 대로 한국 경찰에 신병인도를 하겠다고 밝혔다. 그리고 12월 16일, 한국으로 송환되었다. 기사 이 와중에 조희팔의 생사를 규명할 핵심 인물로 꼽히던 조카 유모 씨가 10월 20일 숨진 채 발견됐다.
강태용은 1심에서 징역 22년에 추징금 125억원을 선고받았으며 2심에서도 같은 판결을 받았다.
2015년 12월 8일, 칭다오 외곽의 한 마을에 은신 중인 것으로 보인다는 기사가 올라왔다. 기사 이후 2016년 3월 23일 조희팔로 추정되는 남성이 중국 공안에 검거되었지만 조희팔이 아닌 것으로 밝혀졌다. 다만, 중국에서 모은 재산은 모두 압류되었다고 한다.
2016년 6월 28일, 검찰마저도 조희팔이 죽은 것이 확실하다고 결론을 내리고 공소권 없음으로 사건을 종결지었다. 그러나, 가해자들이 범죄에 관련되었다고 증언한 고위직 검 · 경 간부나 기타 정치권에 대한 수사 결과가 '혐의 없음'으로 향했다보니, 이에 관해 "제대로 수사하질 않는 검찰 스스로가 음모론을 키운다"는 비판도 있다.
[출처 : https://namu.wiki/w/%EC%A1%B0%ED%9D%AC%ED%8C%94]
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1993년 러시아 헌정위기
1. Overview
The 1993 crisis of the Russian constitution began in 1992[1] It is a political dispute between the Russian President Boris Yeltsin and the Supreme Council of the Republic of Korea until 1993 to establish the Constitution and administer the state.
In Russia, since the assessment of the case is divided, it is usually called neutral (Октябрьские события) in October . In addition to that, there are also expressions such as "dissolution of the highest meeting (Разгон Верховного Совета)", "attack on the White House (Штурм Белого дома)", and attack on the White House (Расстрел Белого дома)
2. Ritual: Signs of conflict
여기서 당시 러시아의 권력 구조를 잠시 살펴보면, 소련이 망하기 전 러시아 공화국의 헌법은 러시아 공화국의 최고권한이 대통령에게 있다고 규정했지만, 실질적인 권한 면에 있어서 대통령제보다는 이원집정부제의 대통령과 가까웠다. 즉, 대통령은 총리를 지명할 수 있었지만, 의회의 허락을 구해야 했다. 또한 의회는 대통령의 정책에 동의하지 않거나 국정에 어느 정도 관여할 수 있었다. 이는 행정부(대통령)와 입법부(최고회의)가 어느 정도 균형을 이루는 장점처럼 보였지만, 사실 근본적으로는 소련 시절의 모순된 권력구조에서 시작되었다.
원래 소련이 처음 세워졌던 초창기에는 의원내각제 국가의 총리 격인 인민위원회의 의장에게 최고권력을 부여해, 어느 정도 의원 내각제 국가처럼 운영되었다.[2] 하지만 블라디미르 레닌 이후 실권을 장악한 이오시프 스탈린이 집권과정에서 자신의 직위였던 서기장(또는 총서기)을 활용해 최고권력으로 부상했다. 따라서 이후 소련 최고권력은 행정기관 수장인 소련 장관회의 주석이나 입법기관 수장인 소련 최고회의 주석이 아닌 집권당의 총대표인 소련 공산당 서기장에게 있었다.[3]
당시 소련의 정치구조는 소련 공산당이 국가의 입법기관과 행정기관을 직접 통제하고 있었고,[4] 소련 내 정치권력을 쥘 수 있는 정당이 오직 소련 공산당이었기에 문제가 없었다. 하지만 1988년 다당제를 허용하기 시작하면서 본격적으로 문제가 되기 시작했다. 만약 소련 공산당이 입법기관과 행정기관을 통제하는 정당이 아닌 소련을 구성하는 한 정치정당이라면, 기존의 소련 공산당 서기장이 최고권력자로써 남아있을 수는 없는 일이었다. 이 문제를 해결하기 위해 소련은 1990년 개헌을 실시, 미국의 대통령제와 유사한 체제로 바꾸었다. 당시 미하일 고르바초프 본인이 공산당원이었고, 의회 다수정당 역시 소련 공산당이었기 때문에 이는 딱히 큰 문제가 되지 않았다.
하지만 소련 붕괴 이후 상황이 급격하게 변했다.
소련이 무너진 이후, 러시아의 새 헌법을 제정하는 과정에서 민주국가로써 국가최고수장, 나아가 국정운영의 총책임자가 누구인지를 정하는 문제는 매우 중요한 문제였고, 이 과정에서 당연히 행정기관의 수장인 대통령과 입법기관인 최고회의, 인민대표회의는 이 문제를 가지고 이해관계가 다를 수 밖에 없었다.
보리스 옐친은 새 헌법을 제정하는 과정에서 기존 최고회의의 권한보다 대통령의 권한을 강화시킨 대통령제 I wanted a constitution. On the other hand, the Russian supreme council, like the Soviet era, wanted the supreme council to be established as a parliamentary system with real power . The Russian government has coordinated this issue several times over 1992 and 1993, but of course there has been a collision in the face of staggering interests.
3. Deployment: failed economic reforms
In April 1992, the supreme council of Russia rejected the appointment of Yegor Gaidar, who was then Minister of Finance. Yegor Gaidar, then Minister of Finance, tried to revive the worsening Russian economy by introducing neo-liberal economic reforms known as "shock therapy" to Russia after the dissolution of the Soviet Union.
The best scenario that Gaidar planned was to stimulate the economy through liberalization of the exchange rate and liberalization of the national economy, but the problem was that the Russian economy was not as robust as sudden economic reforms as in the case of Perestroika . In particular, measures such as currency liberalization, which included shock therapy, meant that the elements of the national economy, which remained to some extent during the period of Perestroika, were left to the complete market. This would not have been a problem if the market was in a capitalist country that operated the economy. But Russia has not been out of the socialist state for less than a year .
Already the Soviet economy was completely confronted in 1990 and 1991, but the shock therapy that Gaidar proceeded exacerbated the Russian economy again. Economic liberalization, at the heart of shock therapy , meant , in other words, that the state was completely out of the economy . Unleashed on the market right now by government infrastructure are common to us all move to the private sector olrigareuhiAnd a number of poor people. In addition, numerous factories, businesses, and laboratories that were not supported by the socialist system during the Soviet era were automatically bankrupt or sold overseas.
As Gaidar's failed economic reforms, many Russian people lost their jobs and became unemployed. The high-ranking personnel who had accumulated in the Soviet era quickly escaped from foreign countries who had been offering good conditions for survival. The army and the police did not receive a salary, even many officers are properly discharged, or the like receiving bribes and selling weapons of corruption was rampant. Thus, the Russian people lost their welfare system built up during the Soviet era and fell into poverty and despair. It was a terrible failure in a word .
In this situation, local elections in Russia were held in 1992. At that time, the people were angry at the failure of the Yeltsin administration's economic reforms, and as a result, the Communist Party and the left-wing political party and the nationalist-affiliated right-wing parties became very strong. In addition, as more and more people grew up in opposition to the reform of Yeltsin in the government bureaucracy , Yeltsin's political position as a democratization protester gradually began to be threatened politically.
Obviously, those who were dissatisfied with Yeltsin's economic reforms began to stop Yeltsin's economic reform and further check Yeltsin. In April 1992, the Supreme Council of Russia rejected Yeltsin's proposal for the appointment of Gaidar as prime minister. This is the highest meeting of August coup It was an opportunity to confront Yeltsin, who wanted to radical reform of the nation for the first time, apart from his relationship with the Communist Party. Although the president and the council subsequently appointed Viktor Chernomyrdin as prime minister through negotiations, not since the Yeltsin administration's policy was changed, or because Chernomyrdin did not demonstrate good governance, It continued.
Thus, when Congress rejected his policy uncooperatively, Yeltsin gradually began to rule the country through administrative orders. On the other hand, the parliament, which decided that the president would arbitrarily run the state, started to impeach Yeltsin and prepare to form a new administration with Alexander Lutskoy, who was the vice president . On April 25, 1993, the Russian government made a public referendum asking for confidence in the presidential election and presidential election, as well as an opinion on the early election of the general election, through the referendum on April 25, 1993. But as a result of the election, it was concluded that the presidential election and presidential election and the election of the general election were absent.[5]
Even so, even in the referendum, it was a vague conclusion that the president and the parliament had no choice but to settle for a satisfactory solution. In the meantime, the President and Congress failed to find any solution and they were in an extreme confrontation with each other.
4. Climax: Burning Moscow
Yeltsin, who has decided not to postpone constitutional reform and reforms any more, dismissed the top meeting on September 21 and announced in December that he would elect a new legislature, the country's Duma. The problem was that according to the Constitution of the Russian republic, which was the current constitution, the Russian president could not dismantle any state organs. Also, if the president dismisses the state agency, the president has to be dismissed. In fact, the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation ruled on Sept. 23 that the dissolution of the president's supreme council is against the Constitution and that the President can be dismissed under the current Constitution . Yeltsin tried to break through the country with extreme numbers in a situation where the confrontation with the supreme council at that time was stalled, but it was actually a declaration of war against the supreme council, no matter how good it looked .
However, the supreme council also rebelled against the dissolution of the president and did not sit still. Under the leadership of then chairman Ruslan Hasbullotov, the supreme council held an emergency meeting on the night of Sept. 21, dismissing Yeltsin from the president and appointing Vice President Rutzkow as President. At that time,[6] , reauthorizing the Interior Ministers. It was in fact impeach the president .
On the other hand, the protesters who supported the supreme council were increasingly intensifying as they suffered the first bloodshed on September 27. Yeltsin, meanwhile, surrounded the Capitol by using the Ministry of Home Affairs and suspended the supply of electricity to the Capitol. However, protesters broke the police line on October 3. Lutzkoi appealed to his supporters to occupy Moscow City Hall and Ostankino Tower in the supreme conference building. On October 3, protesters made a bloody battle with the police, heading to the Ostankino Tower under the direction of the ultra-rightist Alexander Makkhosov, who was from the Soviet army, resulting in about 62 casualties.
Now the President and the Supreme Council could no longer negotiate. On the night of October 3, Yeltsin declared an emergency order by issuing an administrative order No. 1400, and the Tamanskaya tank division[7] He quickly mobilized his troops and deployed them in the city of Moscow.
At the time, supporters of the supreme council were somewhat armed with armed soldiers and police officers and priest firearms joined during the protests, but they were not compared with the armed forces of the Russian army, which mobilized the regular tanks . Also, when Yeltsin decided to mobilize the army, the personnel in the military who were watching the situation until then gradually began to turn to Yeltsin. The Russian army, armed with a heavy armor, gradually mobilized protesters from the supreme council in the city of Moscow. On October 4, the Russian army surrounded the supreme conference building.
The Russian army, which succeeded in sieging the supreme conference, expected large-scale casualties to occur when infantry units enter the Capitol. In the Russian army, Gennadi Zaharov proposed the use of a T-80 tanker on the morning of October 4 and fired at the Capitol. Lutzkoi tried to resist the military's suppression until he appealed to the Air Force to bomb the Kremlin on the radio, but there was no response from the Russian military on the supreme conference, as the military had already decided to back the president. As the supreme council began to fluctuate, the Russian army entered the army into the Capitol and began to occupy it in turn. When the resistance continued, the supreme councils who were intuitive that a massive victim would come out eventually surrendered.
5. Ending : Victory of Phillies
In this case, Yeltsin completely suppressed the possibility that communist and nationalist forces could lead to the same armed uprisings as the October Revolution . Yeltsin closed the media that supported the supreme council on October 5 and banned Communist Party and right - wing affiliations. He also dismissed Valerijorukin, who was the President of the Russian Constitutional Court on October 6, and dissolved local councils (local Soviet) that supported the supreme council. In addition, reformists such as linguist Dmitrii Hachov and singer Bulat Ocjava sent an open letter to Yeltsin on October 5 about the dissolution of communist and nationalist parties, the dismantling of militants, fascism and nationalism, and the prohibition of racism. Appealed for thorough punishment of the supreme conference forces.
On the other hand, the Supreme Council, dissolved by Yeltsin, was reorganized into a new parliament, namely the present day Congress of the Russian Federation (Совет Федерации) and the House of the Duma (Государственная дума), through legislative elections in December 1993. In December 1993, the Russian government adopted a new constitution through a referendum, and it was reborn as a presidential system, away from the existing Soviet political system.
In this case, the former Communist Party forces in Russia have virtually lost their chances of recovering. Although Putin became close to the presidential election in 1996 and the impeachment attempt in 1998, Putin appeared to fall to the level of the first opposition party, and now the Liberal Democratic Party and the Justice PartyIt became a similar administrative opposition party to the same party.
After Yeltsin overthrew the opposition, he was able to establish a politically sound foundation as a de facto president. However, in 1994, after the failure of negotiations with the Chechen government , which was led by Johor Dudayev, forcibly defeated the first Chechen war and lost approval ratings. As a result, Liberal Democrats became one party in the general election in 1995 . Of course, the opposition never forgot this incident. In particular, Yeltsin became more and more powerful through the election as the situation continued, and in 1998, when Russia fell into chaos due to the defeat of Chechen Republic and the economic crisis, it was barely defeated to try one more impeachment under the leadership of the parliament.
6. Significance
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This incident is an incident that left many scars on the Russian democracy that was about to be grown.
There were many reasons why the supreme council was defeated by Yeltsin. At the time, the military had high-ranking officials, including Pavel Glachov and Aleksandr Lebedy, who had supported Yeltsin and the Russian administration in August at the time of the coup. From these perspectives, the ruling of the old Communist Party forces was a shortcut to their own failure , no matter how good they looked . For this reason, as they turned to Yeltsin, the Communist Party could not gain the support of the military forces. In fact, they ran uphill in the military and politics after the storm.
However, the biggest reason why the supreme council had to be defeated was that the citizens of Moscow did not respond . Although many citizens of Moscow were dissatisfied with Yeltsin, they clearly remembered the coup in 1991, which had occurred at least two years ago , and this led to the Communist Party,[8] . This strengthened the negative perception of the supreme council through the appearance of the protesters who were the greatest supporters of extreme right and left powers, and the bloodshed in the tower of Ostankino. Of course, Russian citizens were filled with dissatisfaction with Yeltsin at the time, but they did not think enough to take control of the extremist left and right wing extremist , at least, than Yeltsin .
However, this incident had a great impact on the political position of the liberal democratic forces in Russia at that time. Although Yeltsin was an extremist political force that could not be tolerated by the democratic government, Yeltsin, who crushed his supreme council in a legitimate election by violating the Constitution while bloody bloodshed, I could not help it. In the national crisis, the incompetence of the administration, the prosperity of the extremist forces resulting from it, and the process of bloody suppression of the extremist powers seemed bittersily reminiscent of the Weimar Republic , which lacked democracy in many ways . It is the 1993 referendum on the constitutional referendum in the Russian Federation, in which the turnout was only 54.8%. It has not been more than four years since democracy took place, and it has already begun to show cynicism in democracy.
After seeing Yeltsin's state of affairs, the people were disappointed that Vladimir PutinThe same authoritarian politicians have gained ground based on the idea of patriotism that Russian democracy has entered the state of vegetation from this time on. The reformist politicians of liberalism, represented today by Boris Nemkov, are receiving a negative perception in connection with Yeltsin's days.[9]
[1] Historians have largely set aside the October and October 1993 incidents, beginning with the president and parliamentary confrontation over the appointment of the prime minister in 1992.[2] Since the October Revolution , the Vladimir Lenin 's system, which was formulated by Vladimir Lenin , was elected as a secret election by the entire people. The Soviets, which were held throughout the year, became the supreme authority and the Soviet-appointed cadre (Президиум) Which is similar to the Cabinet system of Western Europe . In the elections, the Socialist Revolutionary Party (Narodniki family) won the first party with 40% and the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (Bolshevik) 24% with the 2nd party, Ukraine The Social Revolution Party was the third party with 7.7%, and the three left-wing political parties won the battle, accounting for 80% of the total seats. However, Lenin, who was opposed by the left wing forces, feared that they would take the initiative in the Constituent Assembly. (In the Russian Revolution, the left wing was politically vehemently confronted: even Alexander Kerenski , The Bolsheviks, with this in mind, forcibly dissolved the constitutional assembly on the day after the opening ceremony and excluded the same left-wing forces, Na Rodney and Menshevik. Nikki and load one or resisting such ardent Bolshevik behavior of Mensheviks are Russian Civil War is one of the anti-Bolshevik forces at the time.[3] Compared with our country , we would think that a national leader is not a president or a prime minister but a ruling party leader .[4] For a similar reason, the resolution of the Soviet Communist Party convention was much more influential in the Soviet Union than the result of the Supreme Council of Soviet legislatures.[5] In fact, both the presidential election and the general election were more supportive of early implementation claims, but both were rejected because they did not exceed 50%.[6] In the future, the predecessor of the Russian Federal Security Service .[7] Unfortunately, this unit had been mobilized as a mainstay of conservatives at the time of the 1991 coup. If you hit Korea, it will be a commanding unit of the National Defense Command .[8] Although Yeltsin came to power in the aftermath, it was at least an elected government.[9] I had a good reputation as a reformist policy while I was a governor of Nizhny Novgorod when I was Yeltsin.
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