1993년 러시아 헌정위기
1. Overview
The 1993 crisis of the Russian constitution began in 1992[1] It is a political dispute between the Russian President Boris Yeltsin and the Supreme Council of the Republic of Korea until 1993 to establish the Constitution and administer the state.
In Russia, since the assessment of the case is divided, it is usually called neutral (Октябрьские события) in October . In addition to that, there are also expressions such as "dissolution of the highest meeting (Разгон Верховного Совета)", "attack on the White House (Штурм Белого дома)", and attack on the White House (Расстрел Белого дома)
2. Ritual: Signs of conflict
여기서 당시 러시아의 권력 구조를 잠시 살펴보면, 소련이 망하기 전 러시아 공화국의 헌법은 러시아 공화국의 최고권한이 대통령에게 있다고 규정했지만, 실질적인 권한 면에 있어서 대통령제보다는 이원집정부제의 대통령과 가까웠다. 즉, 대통령은 총리를 지명할 수 있었지만, 의회의 허락을 구해야 했다. 또한 의회는 대통령의 정책에 동의하지 않거나 국정에 어느 정도 관여할 수 있었다. 이는 행정부(대통령)와 입법부(최고회의)가 어느 정도 균형을 이루는 장점처럼 보였지만, 사실 근본적으로는 소련 시절의 모순된 권력구조에서 시작되었다.
원래 소련이 처음 세워졌던 초창기에는 의원내각제 국가의 총리 격인 인민위원회의 의장에게 최고권력을 부여해, 어느 정도 의원 내각제 국가처럼 운영되었다.[2] 하지만 블라디미르 레닌 이후 실권을 장악한 이오시프 스탈린이 집권과정에서 자신의 직위였던 서기장(또는 총서기)을 활용해 최고권력으로 부상했다. 따라서 이후 소련 최고권력은 행정기관 수장인 소련 장관회의 주석이나 입법기관 수장인 소련 최고회의 주석이 아닌 집권당의 총대표인 소련 공산당 서기장에게 있었다.[3]
당시 소련의 정치구조는 소련 공산당이 국가의 입법기관과 행정기관을 직접 통제하고 있었고,[4] 소련 내 정치권력을 쥘 수 있는 정당이 오직 소련 공산당이었기에 문제가 없었다. 하지만 1988년 다당제를 허용하기 시작하면서 본격적으로 문제가 되기 시작했다. 만약 소련 공산당이 입법기관과 행정기관을 통제하는 정당이 아닌 소련을 구성하는 한 정치정당이라면, 기존의 소련 공산당 서기장이 최고권력자로써 남아있을 수는 없는 일이었다. 이 문제를 해결하기 위해 소련은 1990년 개헌을 실시, 미국의 대통령제와 유사한 체제로 바꾸었다. 당시 미하일 고르바초프 본인이 공산당원이었고, 의회 다수정당 역시 소련 공산당이었기 때문에 이는 딱히 큰 문제가 되지 않았다.
하지만 소련 붕괴 이후 상황이 급격하게 변했다.
소련이 무너진 이후, 러시아의 새 헌법을 제정하는 과정에서 민주국가로써 국가최고수장, 나아가 국정운영의 총책임자가 누구인지를 정하는 문제는 매우 중요한 문제였고, 이 과정에서 당연히 행정기관의 수장인 대통령과 입법기관인 최고회의, 인민대표회의는 이 문제를 가지고 이해관계가 다를 수 밖에 없었다.
보리스 옐친은 새 헌법을 제정하는 과정에서 기존 최고회의의 권한보다 대통령의 권한을 강화시킨 대통령제 I wanted a constitution. On the other hand, the Russian supreme council, like the Soviet era, wanted the supreme council to be established as a parliamentary system with real power . The Russian government has coordinated this issue several times over 1992 and 1993, but of course there has been a collision in the face of staggering interests.
3. Deployment: failed economic reforms
In April 1992, the supreme council of Russia rejected the appointment of Yegor Gaidar, who was then Minister of Finance. Yegor Gaidar, then Minister of Finance, tried to revive the worsening Russian economy by introducing neo-liberal economic reforms known as "shock therapy" to Russia after the dissolution of the Soviet Union.
The best scenario that Gaidar planned was to stimulate the economy through liberalization of the exchange rate and liberalization of the national economy, but the problem was that the Russian economy was not as robust as sudden economic reforms as in the case of Perestroika . In particular, measures such as currency liberalization, which included shock therapy, meant that the elements of the national economy, which remained to some extent during the period of Perestroika, were left to the complete market. This would not have been a problem if the market was in a capitalist country that operated the economy. But Russia has not been out of the socialist state for less than a year .
Already the Soviet economy was completely confronted in 1990 and 1991, but the shock therapy that Gaidar proceeded exacerbated the Russian economy again. Economic liberalization, at the heart of shock therapy , meant , in other words, that the state was completely out of the economy . Unleashed on the market right now by government infrastructure are common to us all move to the private sector olrigareuhiAnd a number of poor people. In addition, numerous factories, businesses, and laboratories that were not supported by the socialist system during the Soviet era were automatically bankrupt or sold overseas.
As Gaidar's failed economic reforms, many Russian people lost their jobs and became unemployed. The high-ranking personnel who had accumulated in the Soviet era quickly escaped from foreign countries who had been offering good conditions for survival. The army and the police did not receive a salary, even many officers are properly discharged, or the like receiving bribes and selling weapons of corruption was rampant. Thus, the Russian people lost their welfare system built up during the Soviet era and fell into poverty and despair. It was a terrible failure in a word .
In this situation, local elections in Russia were held in 1992. At that time, the people were angry at the failure of the Yeltsin administration's economic reforms, and as a result, the Communist Party and the left-wing political party and the nationalist-affiliated right-wing parties became very strong. In addition, as more and more people grew up in opposition to the reform of Yeltsin in the government bureaucracy , Yeltsin's political position as a democratization protester gradually began to be threatened politically.
Obviously, those who were dissatisfied with Yeltsin's economic reforms began to stop Yeltsin's economic reform and further check Yeltsin. In April 1992, the Supreme Council of Russia rejected Yeltsin's proposal for the appointment of Gaidar as prime minister. This is the highest meeting of August coup It was an opportunity to confront Yeltsin, who wanted to radical reform of the nation for the first time, apart from his relationship with the Communist Party. Although the president and the council subsequently appointed Viktor Chernomyrdin as prime minister through negotiations, not since the Yeltsin administration's policy was changed, or because Chernomyrdin did not demonstrate good governance, It continued.
Thus, when Congress rejected his policy uncooperatively, Yeltsin gradually began to rule the country through administrative orders. On the other hand, the parliament, which decided that the president would arbitrarily run the state, started to impeach Yeltsin and prepare to form a new administration with Alexander Lutskoy, who was the vice president . On April 25, 1993, the Russian government made a public referendum asking for confidence in the presidential election and presidential election, as well as an opinion on the early election of the general election, through the referendum on April 25, 1993. But as a result of the election, it was concluded that the presidential election and presidential election and the election of the general election were absent.[5]
Even so, even in the referendum, it was a vague conclusion that the president and the parliament had no choice but to settle for a satisfactory solution. In the meantime, the President and Congress failed to find any solution and they were in an extreme confrontation with each other.
4. Climax: Burning Moscow
Yeltsin, who has decided not to postpone constitutional reform and reforms any more, dismissed the top meeting on September 21 and announced in December that he would elect a new legislature, the country's Duma. The problem was that according to the Constitution of the Russian republic, which was the current constitution, the Russian president could not dismantle any state organs. Also, if the president dismisses the state agency, the president has to be dismissed. In fact, the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation ruled on Sept. 23 that the dissolution of the president's supreme council is against the Constitution and that the President can be dismissed under the current Constitution . Yeltsin tried to break through the country with extreme numbers in a situation where the confrontation with the supreme council at that time was stalled, but it was actually a declaration of war against the supreme council, no matter how good it looked .
However, the supreme council also rebelled against the dissolution of the president and did not sit still. Under the leadership of then chairman Ruslan Hasbullotov, the supreme council held an emergency meeting on the night of Sept. 21, dismissing Yeltsin from the president and appointing Vice President Rutzkow as President. At that time,[6] , reauthorizing the Interior Ministers. It was in fact impeach the president .
On the other hand, the protesters who supported the supreme council were increasingly intensifying as they suffered the first bloodshed on September 27. Yeltsin, meanwhile, surrounded the Capitol by using the Ministry of Home Affairs and suspended the supply of electricity to the Capitol. However, protesters broke the police line on October 3. Lutzkoi appealed to his supporters to occupy Moscow City Hall and Ostankino Tower in the supreme conference building. On October 3, protesters made a bloody battle with the police, heading to the Ostankino Tower under the direction of the ultra-rightist Alexander Makkhosov, who was from the Soviet army, resulting in about 62 casualties.
Now the President and the Supreme Council could no longer negotiate. On the night of October 3, Yeltsin declared an emergency order by issuing an administrative order No. 1400, and the Tamanskaya tank division[7] He quickly mobilized his troops and deployed them in the city of Moscow.
At the time, supporters of the supreme council were somewhat armed with armed soldiers and police officers and priest firearms joined during the protests, but they were not compared with the armed forces of the Russian army, which mobilized the regular tanks . Also, when Yeltsin decided to mobilize the army, the personnel in the military who were watching the situation until then gradually began to turn to Yeltsin. The Russian army, armed with a heavy armor, gradually mobilized protesters from the supreme council in the city of Moscow. On October 4, the Russian army surrounded the supreme conference building.
The Russian army, which succeeded in sieging the supreme conference, expected large-scale casualties to occur when infantry units enter the Capitol. In the Russian army, Gennadi Zaharov proposed the use of a T-80 tanker on the morning of October 4 and fired at the Capitol. Lutzkoi tried to resist the military's suppression until he appealed to the Air Force to bomb the Kremlin on the radio, but there was no response from the Russian military on the supreme conference, as the military had already decided to back the president. As the supreme council began to fluctuate, the Russian army entered the army into the Capitol and began to occupy it in turn. When the resistance continued, the supreme councils who were intuitive that a massive victim would come out eventually surrendered.
5. Ending : Victory of Phillies
In this case, Yeltsin completely suppressed the possibility that communist and nationalist forces could lead to the same armed uprisings as the October Revolution . Yeltsin closed the media that supported the supreme council on October 5 and banned Communist Party and right - wing affiliations. He also dismissed Valerijorukin, who was the President of the Russian Constitutional Court on October 6, and dissolved local councils (local Soviet) that supported the supreme council. In addition, reformists such as linguist Dmitrii Hachov and singer Bulat Ocjava sent an open letter to Yeltsin on October 5 about the dissolution of communist and nationalist parties, the dismantling of militants, fascism and nationalism, and the prohibition of racism. Appealed for thorough punishment of the supreme conference forces.
On the other hand, the Supreme Council, dissolved by Yeltsin, was reorganized into a new parliament, namely the present day Congress of the Russian Federation (Совет Федерации) and the House of the Duma (Государственная дума), through legislative elections in December 1993. In December 1993, the Russian government adopted a new constitution through a referendum, and it was reborn as a presidential system, away from the existing Soviet political system.
In this case, the former Communist Party forces in Russia have virtually lost their chances of recovering. Although Putin became close to the presidential election in 1996 and the impeachment attempt in 1998, Putin appeared to fall to the level of the first opposition party, and now the Liberal Democratic Party and the Justice PartyIt became a similar administrative opposition party to the same party.
After Yeltsin overthrew the opposition, he was able to establish a politically sound foundation as a de facto president. However, in 1994, after the failure of negotiations with the Chechen government , which was led by Johor Dudayev, forcibly defeated the first Chechen war and lost approval ratings. As a result, Liberal Democrats became one party in the general election in 1995 . Of course, the opposition never forgot this incident. In particular, Yeltsin became more and more powerful through the election as the situation continued, and in 1998, when Russia fell into chaos due to the defeat of Chechen Republic and the economic crisis, it was barely defeated to try one more impeachment under the leadership of the parliament.
6. Significance
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This incident is an incident that left many scars on the Russian democracy that was about to be grown.
There were many reasons why the supreme council was defeated by Yeltsin. At the time, the military had high-ranking officials, including Pavel Glachov and Aleksandr Lebedy, who had supported Yeltsin and the Russian administration in August at the time of the coup. From these perspectives, the ruling of the old Communist Party forces was a shortcut to their own failure , no matter how good they looked . For this reason, as they turned to Yeltsin, the Communist Party could not gain the support of the military forces. In fact, they ran uphill in the military and politics after the storm.
However, the biggest reason why the supreme council had to be defeated was that the citizens of Moscow did not respond . Although many citizens of Moscow were dissatisfied with Yeltsin, they clearly remembered the coup in 1991, which had occurred at least two years ago , and this led to the Communist Party,[8] . This strengthened the negative perception of the supreme council through the appearance of the protesters who were the greatest supporters of extreme right and left powers, and the bloodshed in the tower of Ostankino. Of course, Russian citizens were filled with dissatisfaction with Yeltsin at the time, but they did not think enough to take control of the extremist left and right wing extremist , at least, than Yeltsin .
However, this incident had a great impact on the political position of the liberal democratic forces in Russia at that time. Although Yeltsin was an extremist political force that could not be tolerated by the democratic government, Yeltsin, who crushed his supreme council in a legitimate election by violating the Constitution while bloody bloodshed, I could not help it. In the national crisis, the incompetence of the administration, the prosperity of the extremist forces resulting from it, and the process of bloody suppression of the extremist powers seemed bittersily reminiscent of the Weimar Republic , which lacked democracy in many ways . It is the 1993 referendum on the constitutional referendum in the Russian Federation, in which the turnout was only 54.8%. It has not been more than four years since democracy took place, and it has already begun to show cynicism in democracy.
After seeing Yeltsin's state of affairs, the people were disappointed that Vladimir PutinThe same authoritarian politicians have gained ground based on the idea of patriotism that Russian democracy has entered the state of vegetation from this time on. The reformist politicians of liberalism, represented today by Boris Nemkov, are receiving a negative perception in connection with Yeltsin's days.[9]
[1] Historians have largely set aside the October and October 1993 incidents, beginning with the president and parliamentary confrontation over the appointment of the prime minister in 1992.[2] Since the October Revolution , the Vladimir Lenin 's system, which was formulated by Vladimir Lenin , was elected as a secret election by the entire people. The Soviets, which were held throughout the year, became the supreme authority and the Soviet-appointed cadre (Президиум) Which is similar to the Cabinet system of Western Europe . In the elections, the Socialist Revolutionary Party (Narodniki family) won the first party with 40% and the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (Bolshevik) 24% with the 2nd party, Ukraine The Social Revolution Party was the third party with 7.7%, and the three left-wing political parties won the battle, accounting for 80% of the total seats. However, Lenin, who was opposed by the left wing forces, feared that they would take the initiative in the Constituent Assembly. (In the Russian Revolution, the left wing was politically vehemently confronted: even Alexander Kerenski , The Bolsheviks, with this in mind, forcibly dissolved the constitutional assembly on the day after the opening ceremony and excluded the same left-wing forces, Na Rodney and Menshevik. Nikki and load one or resisting such ardent Bolshevik behavior of Mensheviks are Russian Civil War is one of the anti-Bolshevik forces at the time.[3] Compared with our country , we would think that a national leader is not a president or a prime minister but a ruling party leader .[4] For a similar reason, the resolution of the Soviet Communist Party convention was much more influential in the Soviet Union than the result of the Supreme Council of Soviet legislatures.[5] In fact, both the presidential election and the general election were more supportive of early implementation claims, but both were rejected because they did not exceed 50%.[6] In the future, the predecessor of the Russian Federal Security Service .[7] Unfortunately, this unit had been mobilized as a mainstay of conservatives at the time of the 1991 coup. If you hit Korea, it will be a commanding unit of the National Defense Command .[8] Although Yeltsin came to power in the aftermath, it was at least an elected government.[9] I had a good reputation as a reformist policy while I was a governor of Nizhny Novgorod when I was Yeltsin.
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